Islamabad
Elite Capture
The elite class represents a privileged segment of society that tries to impose its will and believes in serving its vested interests at the cost of the majority.
Since the creation of Pakistan, the country has been under the influence of the elite. From the word go, Pakistan has been unable to eradicate feudal and tribal culture. It has miserably failed to strengthen democratic institutions, allowing a wriggle room for the elite class to make the most of social injustice lurking in the guise of equality. The elite belongs to the chosen few, whether in bureaucracy, military, clergy, or business. Consequently, the power structure of Pakistan came under the influence of the elite class, which only cared for its gains and privileges and seldom tried to mitigate the widespread poverty, under-development, social backwardness, and the rest of the ill that characterized Pakistan.
What does the elite refer to, and how an elite culture is established? Why was Pakistan unable to replace the elite culture with a way of life adopted by most people? Why are the people of the privileged class oblivious to pressing issues facing the country, and how could their influence be mitigated? These are the questions raised by those who are highly concerned about the underperforming economic and ongoing political crisis in Pakistan, threatening the country’s very foundation.
The Penguin Dictionary of International Relations defines the elite as a “broad-based term used to identify a minority out of a total population. In ordinary usage, the term often connotes superiority. Elite is simply a descriptive term for individuals and groups found at the top of a particular hierarchy.”
Composed of influential people with financial and political resourcefulness, the elite class represents a privileged segment of society that tries to impose its will to serve its vested interests at the cost of the majority of the population.
The Oxford Dictionary defines the elite as “a select group that is superior in terms of ability or qualities to the rest of a group or society.” As the Encyclopaedia of Britannica describes, the elite tends to be “small groups of persons who exercise disproportionate power and influence. It is customary to distinguish between political elites, whose locations in powerful institutions, organizations, and movements enable them to shape or influence political outcomes, often decisively, and cultural elites, who enjoy a high status and influence in non-political spheres.”
Coming back to Pakistan, the concept of elite capture became popular during the regime of President Ayub Khan when a total of 22 families, which possessed enormous wealth and had a considerable influence, dominated the country’s power structure, especially post-1971. The mushroom growth of the elite soon turned into a well-organized mafia with a subtle division based on ethnic lines.
In the formative phase of Pakistan, to ensure their tutelage over the power structure, the nexus between Mohajir (Urdu-speaking people) and the Punjabi elite denied the role to the Bengali population of the then East Pakistan. The Mohajir elite’s systematic marginalization occurred during Ayub Khan’s regime, notably when the federal capital was shifted from Karachi to Rawalpindi and then to Islamabad. After the break-up of Pakistan, during the regime of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the Sindhi elite gained prominence but got marginalized after the Zia’s martial law imposition in 1977. During Zia’s 11-year period, the Pashtun elite worked together with Punjabis as its junior partner to rule over the country’s power structure. Clergy also got a boost during the regime of General Zia-ul-Haq, as he patronized religious parties and groups to help them enter the country’s power structure.
During the democratically-elected governments of Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif, Sindhi and Punjabi elites gained prominence, but it was during the era of President Musharraf that some nexus between Punjabi and the Mohajir elite came into view. The ground realities of the elite transformation in Pakistan reflect how 22 families of Ayub Khan’s era rapidly expanded into more than 500 families. In this regard, one can better see and understand the ingrained dynamics of the elite structure from three angles. First, the gap between the masses and the elite was deepened with time. Those studying in elite schools have an edge over those looking in government schools or having no access to education at all, the grim reality reflecting society’s deep-seated stratification.
The gap between the elite and non-elite segments of society is further widened when an unholy alliance of political, bureaucratic, military, business, religious, media, and educational elite brazenly denies the public equal opportunities and better socio-economic conditions. Second, the elitist culture gets an impetus in a ‘deep state.’ Even during the so-called civilian era after the disintegration of Pakistan in 1971, the notion of a deep state remained intact as those wielding real power ensured that civilian authority was not allowed to be strengthened. The non-stop penetration of the elite capture under the deep state is an undeniable yet interesting phenomenon. Third, after the successful regime change in April 2022, several cracks in the elite power structure began to appear, aggravating the country’s economic predicament and leading to further political instability.
Prevailing crises in Pakistan will determine the future of the elite. Unless there is a thought process in the elite circles that they need to prioritize the country’s struggling economy, good governance, the rule of law, accountability, mitigating poverty, and responding to frustration amongst the youth, the country’s future will be at stake. If the elite continues to live in their comfort zone and fails to improve the socio-economic conditions of the general public, Pakistan will soon reach the brink of a state-wide civil war. De-linking of the elite mafia from politics and government affairs must be the priority.
The writer is Meritorious Professor of International Relations and former Dean Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Karachi. He can be reached at moonis.ahmar59@gmail.com
Khalid Ahmed Brings Back Memories of Zia Mohyeddin
HBL and J.P. Morgan Enter into an Agreement
India arrests top Vivo executives
NBP announces pilot launch of ‘Digital Account Opening’
Khaleda Zia at ‘high risk of death’
RSF condemns detention of Kashmiri journalist
Cricket set for shot at Olympic glory
Frank Sinatra in Karachi
Maldives’ new president wants Indian troops out of country
Arundhati Roy faces prosecution
Pakistan makes history at 2026 FIFA WC qualifiers
South Asia, the world’s most disconnected region
X social media to test $1 annual subscription
Nutshell turns 20
Bombay court rejects petition to ban Pakistani Artistes
PIA switches to plan B
Well written