KARACHI
Karachi Khappay
In the name of local bodies election, the people of Karachi have been cheated once again.
It is really a matter of shame that even three quarters of a century after the creation of Pakistan in 1947 as an independent Muslim state, the people of the country remain divided on ethnic, provincial and lingual basis. In like manner, it is understandable that indigenous and old-established communities of the country would show some resistance/apprehension in respect of newcomers belonging to a different ethnic group who may not blend perfectly with the indigenous population. Normally, these newcomers arrive in small numbers and, of necessity, they adopt the language and culture of the host population, becoming a part of it in due course of time. For this reason, ethnicity and language did not become a big public issue in provinces other than Sindh.
As for Urdu-speaking people, referred to as Mohajirs, another cause for resentment in the indigenous people of Sindh was that soon after the Partition, Mohajirs ended up with senior bureaucratic positions mainly due to their higher education and experience levels. The portion, on the whole, was far more than the proportionate share of Mohajirs living in Sindh. Some people believe that the assassination of Pakistan’s first Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan was largely motivated by this anti-Mohajir sentiment, and the ensuing circumstances did nothing to dispel this impression. Later, even Khawaja Nazimuddin, Pakistan’s 2nd Prime Minister, was sent packing unceremoniously, while another Prime Minister Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy met a worse fate, despite belonging to the more populous Eastern wing of the country.
Now, as for Karachi, according to Wikipedia, before the end of British colonial rule and the subsequent creation of Pakistan in 1947, the population of the city consisted primarily Gujarati-speaking people, along with Marwaris, Hindus, a small number of Sikhs, local Jewish community and a large number of Christian community as well, which is still living in the city in large numbers. The city of Karachi was, and still is home to a large community of Gujarati Muslims who were one of the earliest settlers in the city, and still form the majority in Saddar Town, the central part of the city. Leading Gujarati Muslim communities in the city include Memon, Chhipa, Ghanchi, Khoja, Bohra and Tai. Other early settlers included the Marwari Muslims, Parsis having their origins to the state of Gujarat of India, Marathi Muslims and Konkani Muslims from Maharashtra, Goan Catholics, an ethno-religious community of Indian Christians, and Anglo-Indians. Most non-Muslims of the city migrated to India in the 1950s, but there are still small communities of Parsis, Goan Catholics and Anglo-Indians living in the city.
At that time of the creation of Pakistan, the total population of Karachi was under half a million people, with Gujaratis being the dominant group. However, with migration of a large number of Urdu-speaking Mohajirs to Karachi because of its mild climate, the city’s population started swelling, with Mohajirs outnumbering all the other ethnic groups put together. As such, the language and culture of the new dominant group, Mohajirs, became the language and culture of the city, as a natural consequence. The same pattern was replicated in Hyderabad, the 2nd largest city of Sindh.
It is an undeniable fact that despite enjoying an overall majority, the Urdu-speaking people did not go around throwing their weight, thus making Karachi a welcoming city for everyone. However, it was during President Ayub Khan’s misrule that ethnic tensions began in Karachi, first because of shifting of capital from Karachi to Islamabad and later, to punish Urdu-speaking people for supporting Mohtarma Fatima Jinnah as presidential candidate against Ayub Khan. During this period, even the alliances were formed comprising different ethnic groups and pitched against Mohajirs. Over the years, the relentless marginalization of Mohajirs became unbearable and they had to unite and organize themselves to handle the onslaught. This is what gave rise, first to the formation of All Pakistan Mohajir Students Organization (APMSO) in 1978 and later Mohajir Qaumi Movement (MQM) in 1984, with Altaf Hussain being the force behind it all. This clearly shows that Mohajirs were not ethnic-minded from the start and were forced to take a stand for their survival.
Syed Mustafa Kamal had transformed Karachi into a modern city and had been declared one of the best performing mayors of the world.
Unfortunately, intoxicated by the power he enjoyed, Altaf Hussain, who had once stood up to save Mohajirs from persecution became an oppressor by himself, and started taking violent steps against the people of other ethnicities, not sparing even his own people who opposed his high-handedness and violence-ridden politics. And then, he was cut to size by the Establishment.
Subsequently, as a result of rivalry and divisions within the MQM, the party splintered into various factions with all efforts to reunite them ending in failure. Moreover, the emergence of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) with the unilateral support of the Establishment, reduced the MQM a shadow of its former self. Moreover, because of migration from other provinces of the country including the rural Sindh, Mohajirs, while still the largest single ethnic group in the city, no longer enjoy an overall majority in Karachi.
However, with its seven seats in the National Assembly, MQM-P still managed to tip the balance of power at the federal level from the PTI to the PDM (Pakistan Democratic Movement), which is a political alliance of over a dozen parties cobbled together with different ideologies.
Syed Mustafa Kamal, a dissident leader of MQM, started a lucrative career abroad. However, all of a sudden, he returned to Pakistan to form Pak Sarzameen Party (PSP). As a former mayor of Karachi, he had transformed Karachi into a modern city and had been declared one of the best performing mayors of the world. In contrast to various ethnic-based factions of MQM, the PSP is a non-ethnic party which embraces all Pakistanis. I believe this is the right approach. After all, ethnicity-based politics has only done us immense damage by dividing the whole nation, rendering it incapable of uniting and posing a serious challenge to our leaders, and forcing them to mend their ways. On the contrary, just look at the PDM which comprises over a dozen political parties with different ideologues, but it has one single objective, which is to exploit the masses for personal gain. And they are all laughing.
Now, in exchange for ditching the PTI and joining the PDM, the MQM-P had made some demands which include 40 percent quota in government jobs in urban Sindh, formation of a provincial finance commission and an empowered local government. However, in view of the past history of agreements made by the Pakistan Peoples Party with the MQM-P, the full implementation of these demands seems unlikely. However, some progress is visible on the local government front with Karachi Administrator and some other appointments made in consultation with the MQM-P, who worked till holding of the local government elections.
However, the people of Karachi seem likely to be cheated again, especially on the election issue. The Election Commission of Pakistan (PSP) has stated that after the publication of population and housing census results, it needs to change boundaries of various blocks, increase/decrease the number of blocks in districts as necessary, do other preparatory work and be ready with an election plan four months before the actual election date. In case of delayed receipt of census results, the ECP may be compelled to hold elections on the basis of past census, meaning an under-count of Karachi population by 10-14 million, greatly reducing Karachi’s share in the Assembly seats and provincial revenue as well.
Meanwhile, four Sindhi nationalist parties are protesting against the formation of a parliamentary committee for the creation of new provinces, and have termed it a conspiracy against Sindh. With the population of Pakistan now six-fold of what it was at inception, at least two more provinces need to be created in Punjab while Karachi deserves to be made a province, for better administration. I am rather surprised at the thinking of people who discriminate with other Pakistanis on ethnic basis and value soil higher than humans who live on it.
The writer is a freelance contributor with interest in regional, South Asian and international affairs. He can be reached at hashmi_srh@hotmail.com
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