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Pot Calling the Kettle Black
The blame game continues as successive governments in Pakistan commit the
same mistakes. If a beginning is being made to get to the root of the various ills
the nation faces, certain red lines must not be crossed.
After the PTI won the 2018 general elections based on eliminating corruption in the country, the Imran Khan government started reinforcing the National Accountability Bureau’s accountability/anti-corruption drive. NAB was investigating the allegations of corruption on certain opposition leaders. Nawaz Sharif had been disqualified as an MNA and couldn’t contest elections for life. He lost his premiership in 2017 and was also punished/imprisoned for corruption.
During the first two years of the PTI government, the major opposition parties, including the PML (N), PPPP and the JUI did not display much enthusiasm in attempting to dislodge the Imran Khan government through a vote of no-confidence in the National Assembly or by resigning from their NA seats. This was because perhaps the PPPP did not agree that PML (N), being the biggest opposition party, should form the next government.
In early 2020, while Nawaz Sharif was permitted by the High Court to go to the UK for medical treatment, some prominent leaders of the PML (N), PPPP, and even some from the PTI, were put in jail by the NAB to seek their cooperation in inquires for their alleged corruption cases.
After completion of two years, the PTI had overcome the danger of Pakistan becoming a defaulter state due to its likely failure to return the installments of huge foreign loans of about US $100 billion, inherited from the PPPP and PML (N), who had been in power from 2008 to July 2018. The PTI also claimed to have achieved economic stability, with the capability to return future installments. However, the major area, where the PTI government suffered was price control of commodities of daily use. Prices of wheat, flour, sugar, pulses and vegetables escalated high and hit the poor. The government was under great pressure in this context.
The PTI seemed to be frustrated that the corruption cases were not going anywhere. The opposition thought the people would support them in a major way to oust the PTI government. It was then that the major opposition parties - the PML (N), PPPP, JUI and a few smaller parties united to launch a movement called Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM).
The PDM, led by Maulana Fazal Ur Rehman, started its anti-government protest campaign and held public meetings in a number of cities. While all leaders alleged that the PTI was put in power by the establishment and the opposition was being victimized in the name of accountability, the PTI had failed to govern the country and was starving the masses with escalating prices. Nawaz Sharif addressed PDM’s Gujranwala and Quetta gatherings on-line from London and made serious allegations against the Chief of Army Staff and DG ISI, by blaming them for being responsible for ousting the previous PM, for installing the Imran Khan government and for all ills of the government. He also incited the lower ranks of the Army to rise against the senior command.
Nawaz Sharif’s anti-army speech at the Gujranwala public gathering drew a negative response from the PPP, many PML (N) and JUI leaders and the general public. The PPP leadership openly differed with Nawaz Sharif on blaming the COAS and the DG ISI by name. Retired Lt. Gen. Qadir and Sana Ullah Zehri exited from the PML (N) in protest. Even Shahbaz Sharif differed and said, he preferred consultation over confrontation. Hafiz Hussein Ahmed of the JUI criticized Nawaz Sharif on his anti-Army narrative. There was also wide resentment of Nawaz’s anti-Army narrative among the people.
However, Nawaz Sharif was still sticking to his anti-army narrative and Maryam Nawaz, Khakan Abbasi, Ahsan Iqbal, Rana Sana Ullah and Maulana Fazal Ur Rehman were also supporting him. It is quite clear that fissures had developed in the PDM and it had lost its purpose. Cracks already existed in the PML (N), as Nawaz had refused to nominate Shahbaz Sharif as the next PM, if the PTI were to be ousted; he wanted to prop up Maryam Nawaz instead.
It is quite clear that Nawaz’s self-centred party politics and his anti Army narrative undercut the PDM before it could pick up momentum. Due to these reasons and the fact that the PTI government had also succeeded in controlling prices to some extent, through utility stores and Sahulat Bazaars, it seemed the PDM was not likely to draw much popular public support. The PTI’s success in the Gilgit-Baltistan elections also indicated that its relative popularity still prevailed.
In terms of language and taboos, it had been observed that against past traditions, some politicians were using uncalled-for language by crossing all limits of courtesy and official protocol. For example, some opposition leaders have frequently described the PM, the administration, government officials and even ex-officials, as incompetent and corrupt. Likewise, such language was also being used by some PTI politicians in response to the opposition politicians’ statements.
Moreover, making speeches in public against senior Army command by name and blaming them for interference in national politics, criticizing the judiciary for its decisions, the NAB for its anti-corruption drive, the election commission for being party to rigging elections and comments on sensitive security related matters was and is a practice being followed by many opposition leaders as a norm. This amounts to crossing the red lines laid down by the country’s law as well as the official Secrets Act.
The opposition’s outcry against the government and state institutions may be a result of its frustration due to NAB-initiated corruption cases against them, but as everything is being done under the provisions of the Constitution and the Supreme Court, to ensure that nobody is wronged by the NAB, the affected opposition leaders should have more patience.
To build a strong democratic society in Pakistan, it is better that the government and the opposition hold a dialogue to adopt a Charter of Democracy based on the principles suggested by Quaid-I-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah and published by the Nazria-I-Pakistan Trust on its website. The Constitution of Pakistan should be of a democratic nature, embodying the essential principles of Islam, which teach us democracy, the equality of men, justice and fairplay, fraternity and liberty. Corruption must be uprooted and provincialism and sectarianism shunned. The ministers and officials are the servants of the people and they should serve the people, especially the poor masses. The armed forces of Pakistan, besides guarding the nation’s frontiers, must stand guard over the development and maintenance of Islamic democracy, Islamic social justice and equality at all times.
![]() The writer is a former consultant and Research Fellow at Islamabad Policy Research Institute (IPRI), Islamabad and Senior Research Fellow at Strategic Vision Institute (SVI), Islamabad. He can be reached at hanifsardar@hotmail.com |
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A very good evaluation of the way Pakistan opposition operates. JJ provides good insights into the way Pakistani politicos think.